It's bad if current political instability continues without resolution! Going through Dewan Rakyat create alot of corrupt MP buying! So the best option on the table is to dissolve Dewan Rakyat! Let rakyat decide! And of course getting rid of Mahathir once and for all! Eliminate Mahathir now, so we can eliminate others for the next GE!
best option for anwar PM & govern for another 3 yrs then election mah..!!
Posted by Datuk Seri Rick Walker > Feb 28, 2020 12:11 PM | Report Abuse
It's bad if current political instability continues without resolution! Going through Dewan Rakyat create alot of corrupt MP buying! So the best option on the table is to dissolve Dewan Rakyat! Let rakyat decide! And of course getting rid of Mahathir once and for all! Eliminate Mahathir now, so we can eliminate others for the next GE!
Succession issue in perspective: No intention to pass baton to Anwar after all — By Jamari Mohtar Author: savemalaysia | Publish date: Fri, 28 Feb 2020, 1:29 PM
“As far I’m concerned, I’m stepping down and I’m handing the baton to him (Anwar). If people don’t want him, that is their business, but I will do my part of the promise... irrespective of whatever allegation. I made my promise, I keep my promise.”
How is Tun keeping his promise , by now supporting Muhy. ?
we r entitled to our own views but we must not blinded to this fact that Tun had no intention to pass the baton to Anwar at all, its all his sandiwara.
The fact that the culprits Azmin & co. is now in BERSATU speak volumes, isnt it ?
Early political career Mahathir had been politically active since the end of the Japanese occupation of Malaya, when he joined protests against the granting of citizenship to non-Malays under the short-lived Malayan Union. He later argued for affirmative action for Malays at medical college. While at college he contributed to The Straits Times under the pseudonym "C.H.E. Det", and a student journal, in which he fiercely promoted Malay rights, such as restoring Malay as an official language. While practising as a physician in Alor Setar, Mahathir became active in UMNO; by the time of the first general election for the independent state of Malaya in 1959, he was the chairman of the party in Kedah. Despite his prominence in UMNO, Mahathir was not a candidate in the 1959 election, ruling himself out following a disagreement with then Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. The relationship between the two Kedahans had been strained since Mahathir had criticised Abdul Rahman's agreement to the retention of British and Commonwealth forces in Malaya after independence. Now Abdul Rahman opposed Mahathir's plans to introduce minimum educational qualifications for UMNO candidates. For Mahathir this was a significant enough slight to delay his entry into national politics in protest. The delay did not last for long. In the following general election in 1964, he was elected as the federal parliamentarian for the Alor Setar-based seat of Kota Setar Selatan.
Elected to parliament in a volatile political period, Mahathir, as a government backbencher, launched himself into the main conflict of the day: the future of Singapore, with its large and economically powerful ethnic Chinese population, as a state of Malaysia. He vociferously attacked Singapore's dominant People's Action Party for being "pro-Chinese" and "anti-Malay" and called its leader, Lee Kuan Yew, "arrogant". Singapore was expelled from Malaysia in Mahathir's first full year in parliament. However, despite Mahathir's prominence as a backbencher, he lost his seat in the 1969 election, defeated by Yusof Rawa of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). Mahathir attributed the loss of his seat to ethnic Chinese voters switching support from UMNO to PAS (being a Malay-dominated seat, only the two major Malay parties fielded candidates, leaving Chinese voters to choose between the Malay-centric UMNO and the Islamist PAS).
Large government losses in the election were followed by the race riots of 13 May 1969, in which hundreds of people were killed in clashes between Malays and Chinese. The previous year, Mahathir had predicted the outbreak of racial hostility. Now, outside parliament, he openly criticised the government, sending a letter to Abdul Rahman in which the prime minister was criticised for failing to uphold Malay interests. The letter, which soon became public, called for Abdul Rahman's resignation. By the end of the year, Mahathir had been fired from UMNO's Supreme Council and expelled from the party; Abdul Rahman had to be persuaded not to have him arrested.
While in the political wilderness, Mahathir wrote his first book, The Malay Dilemma, in which he set out his vision for the Malay community. The book argued that a balance had to be achieved between enough government support for Malays so that their economic interests would not be dominated by the Chinese, and exposing Malays to sufficient competition to ensure that over time, Malays would lose what Mahathir saw as the characteristics of avoiding hard work and failing to "appreciate the real value of money and property". The book continued Mahathir's criticism of Abdul Rahman's government, and it was promptly banned. The ban was only lifted after Mahathir became prime minister in 1981; he thus served as a minister and deputy prime minister while being the author of a banned book.Academics R. S. Milne and Diane K. Mauzy argue that Mahathir's relentless attacks were the principal cause of Abdul Rahman's downfall and subsequent resignation as prime minister in 1970
Abdul Rahman resigned in 1970 and was replaced by Abdul Razak Hussein. Razak encouraged Mahathir back into the party, and had him appointed as a Senator in 1973. He rose quickly in the Razak government, returning to UMNO's Supreme Council in 1973, and being appointed to Cabinet in 1974 as the Minister for Education. He also returned to the House of Representatives, winning the Kedah-based seat of Kubang Pasu unopposed in the 1974 election. One of his first acts as Minister for Education was to introduce greater government control over Malaysia's universities, despite strong opposition from the academic community. He also moved to limit politics on university campuses, giving his ministry the power to discipline students and academics who were politically active, and making scholarships for students conditional on the avoidance of politics.
In 1975, Mahathir ran for one of the three vice-presidencies of UMNO. The contest was considered to be a battle for the succession of the party's leadership, with both Razak and his deputy, Hussein Onn, in declining health. Each of Razak's preferred candidates was elected: former Chief Minister of Melaka, Ghafar Baba; Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, a wealthy businessman and member of Kelantan's royal family; and Mahathir. When Razak died the following year, Hussein as his successor was forced to choose between the three men to be deputy prime minister; he also considered the ambitious minister Ghazali Shafie. Each of Mahathir's rivals had significant political liabilities: Ghazali, having been defeated by the others for a vice-presidency, lacked the support of UMNO members; Ghafar had no higher education and was not fluent in English; and Razaleigh was young, inexperienced and, critically, unmarried. But Hussein's decision was not easy. Hussein and Mahathir were not close allies, and Hussein knew the choice of Mahathir would displease Abdul Rahman, still alive and revered as the father of Malaysia's independence. After six weeks of indecision Mahathir was, much to his surprise, appointed as Hussein's deputy. The appointment meant that Mahathir was the anointed successor to the prime ministership.
However, Mahathir was not an influential deputy prime minister. Hussein was a cautious leader who rejected many of Mahathir's bold policy proposals. While the relationship between Hussein and Mahathir was distant, Ghazali and Razaleigh became Hussein's closest advisers, often bypassing the more senior Mahathir when accessing Hussein. Nonetheless, when Hussein relinquished power due to ill health in 1981, Mahathir succeeded him unopposed and with his blessing.
Mahathir was sworn in as prime minister on 16 July 1981, at the age of 56. One of his first acts was to release 21 detainees held under the Internal Security Act, including journalist Samad Ismail and a former deputy minister in Hussein's government, Abdullah Ahmad, who had been suspected of being an underground communist.He appointed his close ally, Musa Hitam, as deputy prime minister.
Early years (1981–1987) Mahathir exercised caution in his first two years in power, consolidating his leadership of UMNO and, with victory in the 1982 general election, the government. In 1983, Mahathir commenced the first of a number of battles he would have with Malaysia's royalty during his premiership. The position of Yang di-Pertuan Agong, the Malaysian head of state, was due to rotate in to either the elderly Idris Shah II of Perak or the controversial Iskandar of Johor, who had only a few years earlier been convicted of manslaughter. Thus Mahathir had grave reservations about the two Sultans, who were both activist rulers of their own states. Mahathir tried to pre-emptively limit the power that the new Agong could wield over his government, introducing to parliament amendments to the Constitution to deem the Agong to assent to any bill that had not been assented within 15 days of passage by Parliament. The proposal would also remove the power to declare a state of emergency from the Agong and place it with the prime minister. The Agong at the time, Ahmad Shah of Pahang, agreed with the proposals in principle but baulked when he realised that the proposal would also deem Sultans to assent to laws passed by state assemblies. Supported by the Sultans, the Agong refused to assent to the constitutional amendments, which had by then passed both houses of Parliament with comfortable majorities. When the public became aware of the impasse, and the Sultans refused to compromise with the government, Mahathir took to the streets to demonstrate public support for his position in mass rallies. The press took the side of the government, although a large minority of Malays, including conservative UMNO politicians, and an even larger proportion of the Chinese community supported the Sultans. After five months, the crisis resolved, as Mahathir and the Sultans agreed to a compromise. The Agong would retain the power to declare a state of emergency, but if he refused to assent to a bill, the bill would be returned to Parliament, which could then override the Agong's veto.
Exerting power (1987–1990) Any illusion that the 1986 election may have created about Mahathir's political dominance was short-lived. In 1987, he was challenged for the presidency of UMNO, and effectively the prime ministership, by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. Razaleigh's career had gone backwards under Mahathir, being demoted from the Ministry of Finance to the Ministry of Trade and Industry. Razaleigh was supported by Musa, who had resigned as deputy prime minister the previous year. While Musa and Mahathir were originally close allies, the two had fallen out during Mahathir's premiership, with Musa claiming that Mahathir no longer trusted him. Razaleigh and Musa ran for the UMNO presidency and deputy presidency on a joint ticket against Mahathir and his new choice for deputy, Ghafar Baba. The tickets were known as Team B and Team A respectively. Mahathir's Team A enjoyed the support of the press, most party heavyweights, and even Iskandar, now the Agong, although some significant figures such as Abdullah Badawi supported Team B. In the election, held on 24 April 1987, Team A prevailed. Mahathir was re-elected a by a narrow margin, receiving the votes of 761 party delegates to Razaleigh's 718. Ghafar defeated Musa by a slightly larger margin. Mahathir responded by purging seven Team B supporters from his ministry, while Team B refused to accept defeat and initiated litigation. In an unexpected decision in February 1988, the High Courts ruled that UMNO was an illegal organisation as some of its branches had not been lawfully registered.[48] Each faction raced to register a new party under the UMNO name. Mahathir's side successfully registered the name "UMNO Baru" ("new UMNO"), while Team B's application to register "UMNO Malaysia" was rejected. UMNO Malaysia, under the leadership of Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and with the support of both of Malaysia's surviving former prime ministers, Abdul Rahman and Hussein, registered the party Semangat 46 instead. The Lord President of the Supreme Court, Salleh Abas, sent a letter of protest to the Agong. Mahathir then suspended Salleh for "gross misbehaviour and conduct", ostensibly because the letter was a breach of protocol. A tribunal set up by Mahathir found Salleh guilty and recommended to the Agong that Salleh be dismissed. Five other judges of the court supported Salleh, and were suspended by Mahathir. A newly constituted court dismissed Team B's appeal, allowing Mahathir's faction to continue to use the name UMNO. According to Milne and Mauzy, the episode destroyed the independence of Malaysia's judiciary.
At the same time as the political and judicial crises, Mahathir initiated a crackdown on opposition dissidents with the use of the Internal Security Act. Mahathir later declared that it was only used to lock up people accused of riots, unlawful assembly, terrorism and those who have murdered police officers. The appointment of a number of administrators who did not speak Mandarin to Chinese schools provoked an outcry among Chinese Malaysians to the point where UMNO's coalition partners the Malaysian Chinese Association and Gerakan joined the Democratic Action Party (DAP) in protesting the appointments. UMNO's Youth wing held a provocative protest that triggered a shooting by a lone Malay gunman, and only Mahathir's interference prevented UMNO from staging a larger protest. Instead, Mahathir ordered what Wain calls "the biggest crackdown on political dissent Malaysia had ever seen". Under the police operation codenamed "Operation Lalang", 119 people were arrested and detained without charge under the Internal Security Act. Mahathir argued that the detentions were necessary to prevent a repeat of the 1969 race riots. Most of the detainees were prominent opposition activists, including the leader of the DAP, Lim Kit Siang, and nine of his fellow MPs. Three newspapers sympathetic to the opposition were shut down. Mahathir suffered a heart attack in early 1989, but recovered to lead Barisan Nasional to victory in the 1990 election. Semangat 46 failed to make any headway outside Razaleigh's home state of Kelantan (Musa had since rejoined UMNO).
EngineeringProfit > Feb 28, 2020 4:35 PM | Report Abuse
Give up without a fight.....no jantanness spirit. ...shameful ===========
a practical man solution........Last I check Bersatu nominated Mahathir............if PKR?DAP also nominate Mahathir..........then situation back to before the mess...........give time for Mahathir to sort out mess.
.......and for warning about Wolves In Sheeps Clothing?
"atch out for those who cause divisions and create obstacles contrary to the doctrine that you have been taught; avoid them. For such persons do not serve our country, but their own appetites, and by smooth talk and flattery they deceive the hearts of the naive.
No one can serve two masters, for either he will hate the one and love the other, or he will be devoted to the one and despise the other. You cannot serve God and money.
Many bad leaders will arise and lead many astray. And because lawlessness will be increased, the love of many will grow cold. But the one who endures to the end will be saved.
Poor motherland, her princes in her midst are like wolves tearing the prey, shedding blood, destroying lives to get dishonest gain. Poverty mediocrity and misery persist."
Dear all, For Tun Dr Mahathir https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oqd7OIzRTYA And now the end is near And so I face the final curtain My friend, I'll say it clear, I'll state my case of which I'm certain. I've lived a life that's full, I travelled each and every highway, And more, much more than this, I did it My Way. Regrets, I've had a few, But then again too few to mention Did what I had to do And saw it through without exemption Planned each charted course Each careful step along the byway And more, much more than this, I did it My Way. Yes there were times, I'm sure you knew When I bit off more than I could chew But through it all when there was doubt I ate it up and spit it out I faced it all and I stood tall And did it My Way. I've loved, I've laughed and cried, I've had my fill, my share of losing And now as tears subside I find it all so amusing To think I did all that And may I say not in a shy way Oh no, oh no not me I did it My Way For what is a man, what has he got? If not himself, then he has naught. To say the things he truly feels; And not the words of one who kneels. The record shows I took the blows - And did it my way!
Wolves In Sheep's Clothing - Live and die an ignobly life without shame, honour or dignity
“Among the signs of a hypocrite are three, even if he fasts and prays and claims to be religious: when he speaks he lies, when he gives a promise he breaks it, and when he is trusted he betrays.”
Why and what we must (but always fail to) learn from medieval people's bitterness and failed civilizations (before it's too late)?
Lesson No.1: Wolves In Sheeps Clothing
Beware of false holy men, who come to you in sheep's clothing but inwardly are ravenous wolves. For such men are false apostles, deceitful workmen, disguising themselves as angels. And no wonder, for even Satan disguises himself as an angel of light. So it is no surprise if his servants, also, disguise themselves as servants of righteousness. Their end will correspond to their deeds.
For the time is coming when people will not endure sound teaching, but having itching ears they will accumulate for themselves gurus, teachers and preachers to suit their own passions
You will recognize them by their fruits. Are grapes gathered from thornbushes, or figs from thistles? So, every healthy tree bears good fruit, but the diseased tree bears bad fruit (increasing poverty, weakening of ringgit, etc)
A healthy tree cannot bear bad fruit, nor can a diseased tree bear good fruit. Every tree that does not bear good fruit is cut down and thrown into the fire.
Medieval wisdom: What ancient texts have warned us we about Wolves In Sheep's Clothing?
Malaysians, please watch out for those who cause divisions and create obstacles contrary to the doctrine that you have been taught; avoid them. For such persons do not serve our country, but their own appetites, and by smooth talk and flattery they deceive the hearts of the naive.
No one can serve two masters, for either he will hate the one and love the other, or he will be devoted to the one and despise the other. You cannot serve God and money.
Many bad leaders will arise and lead many astray. And because lawlessness will be increased, the love of many will grow cold. But the one who endures to the end will be saved.
Poor motherland, her princes in her midst are like wolves tearing the prey, shedding blood, destroying lives to get dishonest gain. Poverty and misery persist.
EVERY SO OFTEN, THERE ARE MOMENTS THAT DEFINE A GENERATION. AT THE VERY BEGINNING OF THIS YOUNG PH GOMEN, WE FACE OUR OWN DEFINING MOMENT. OUR NATION IS IN THE MIDDLE OF TWO SERIOUS EXTERNAL THREATS - GLOBAL RECESSION AND COVID-19 PANDEMIC. BUSINESS FAILED. MANY MIDDLE CLASS PPL LOST THEIR JOBS. POOR PEOPLE CONTINUE TO SUFFER.
BUT WE STILL MUST BE GRATEFUL. IN THIS MOMENT OF GREAT CHALLENGE EXISTS AN EVEN GREATER OPPORTUNITY. FOR IN MANY OF MY FORUMS NATIONWIDE, I HAVE FOUND THAT THE DISILLUSIONMENT WITH PH IS NOT LOMITED TO ANY ONE PARTY OR GROUP OF PEOPLE. IT IS SHARED BY INDEPENDENTS, AMANAH, PKR, DAP AND EVEN THE OPPOSITION PARTIES FROM ALL WALLS OF LIFE WHO ARE TIRED OF BEING DISAPPOINTED BY THE PETTY POLITICS THAT STOP US FROM FACING AND SOLVING CHALLENGES LIKE RESPONSIBLE EDUCATION, AFFORDABLE HEALTH PROVISION AND RAMPANT CORRUPTION NATIONWIDE YEAR AFTER YEAR.
THESE MALAYSIANS AND MILLIONS MORE UNDERSTAND THAT AT THIS DEFINING MOMENT IN HISTORY, WE JUST CANNOT AFFORD TO KEEP DOING WHAT WE'VE BEEN DOING. THEY ARE READY TO COME TOGETHER, PUSH ASIDE THEIR DIFFERENCES AND CHOOSE A NEW AND BETTER FUTURE FOR MALAYSIA.
THIS CROSSROAD OFFERS THAT CHOICE. I HAVE A VISION FOR MALAYSIA ROOTED IN THE VALUES THAT HAVE ALWAYS MADE SARAWAK THE LAST HOPE OF MALAYSIA - VALUES THAT HAVE BEEN EXPRESSED TO ME ON FRONT PORCHES AND FAMILY FARMS; IN TOWN HALL MEETINGS AND INSIDE BUSINESS OFFICES. THEY BELIEVE IN PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY, HARD WORK, AND SELF-RELIANCE. THEY DON'T LIKE SEEING THEIR TAX RINGGIT WASTED.
fcuk principles , politics first is here to stay.........
Rule of law is out...........
I really pity DAP, and my favorite girl the Minster of Environment talking rule of law principles at the height of the crisis a few days ago and making the most stupid decision in DAP political life by nominating Anwar ( instead of Mahathir) for audience with the King..........
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This book is the result of the author's many years of experience and observation throughout his 26 years in the stockbroking industry. It was written for general public to learn to invest based on facts and not on fantasies or hearsay....
Datuk Seri Rick Walker
2,622 posts
Posted by Datuk Seri Rick Walker > 2020-02-28 12:11 | Report Abuse
It's bad if current political instability continues without resolution! Going through Dewan Rakyat create alot of corrupt MP buying!
So the best option on the table is to dissolve Dewan Rakyat! Let rakyat decide! And of course getting rid of Mahathir once and for all! Eliminate Mahathir now, so we can eliminate others for the next GE!